When President Donald Trump issued his executive order pausing enforcement of the FCPA (EO), many practitioners were taken by surprise. Now that the dust has settled some, and pending further guidance from AG Pam Bondi on what enforcement will look like going forward, it is time for companies to decide how to react, if at all, to the news.
The Anti-Corruption Report spoke with numerous practitioners – both on and off the record – to understand the current state of play and whether companies should adjust their compliance programs. This first article in a two-part series examines the ways that U.S. enforcement will be impacted, both in the near term and further down the line. The second article will cover international enforcement and whether companies should pull back on compliance. Spoiler alert: they should not.
See “Executive Order Presses Pause on FCPA Enforcement” (Feb. 12, 2025).
Current Status: Confusion
The first and most immediate result of the EO is uncertainty.
The EO creates “confusion for companies,” Khushaal Ved, a Hogan Lovells partner based in Singapore, told the Anti-Corruption Report, because “the pause does not repeal the FCPA.” Over the 180‑day pause called for in the EO, which can be extended at the discretion of AG Bondi, “it is not open season on bribery and corruption,” he said, since the laws are still in effect, but what enforcement will look like is unclear.
Companies’ confusion has grander implications beyond just FCPA enforcement, according to Glenn Agre partner Michael Bowen. “The core idea of the FCPA is simple,” he said. Suspending or reducing enforcement suggests that the principles underlying the FCPA are up for debate or that it “can be made subservient to prevailing political whim, which is the antithesis of the very idea of the rule of law.”
Years of Guidance Out the Window?
There was never perfect predictability in FCPA enforcement – as in any criminal enforcement – but the DOJ has gone out of its way to issue guidance and reassurance on what to expect.
Although outcomes are never assured with scientific precision, “much of the FCPA enforcement playbook was predictable, including, for example, which part of DOJ you were dealing with (the Fraud Section’s FCPA Unit) and which policies applied (such as the Criminal Division’s Corporate Enforcement Policy and the Evaluation of Corporate Compliance Programs),” James Koukios, a partner at Morrison & Foerster, told the Anti-Corruption Report. All that has changed. “We do not know whether any aspect of that playbook will remain in place after the pause concludes or what, if any, new standards and policies will replace them,” he said.
What Happens to Pending Cases?
The companies that will feel the greatest immediate impact of the EO are those that are currently, or were, at least up until recently, under investigation by the DOJ. According to the EO, AG Bondi is to “review in detail all existing FCPA investigations or enforcement actions and take appropriate action with respect to such matters to restore proper bounds on FCPA enforcement and preserve Presidential foreign policy prerogatives.”
“In the short term, the EO will directly impact companies that have pending FCPA enforcement actions or active federal FCPA investigations,” Karen Davis, a partner at Fox Rothschild, told the Anti-Corruption Report. “Most other companies likely will not see any immediate impact,” she predicted.
Companies under investigation face unanswered questions. “Are they just frozen in place? Should companies immediately argue that they should be dropped for the policy reasons suggested by the EO, or should they progress as they would have done in the past until they learn the results of the pause?” Koukios wondered.
What Is the Self-Reporting Calculus Now?
Companies that have discovered a bribery or corruption issue internally are another demographic directly impacted by the pause. For many years, the DOJ has issued guidance and offered incentives encouraging companies to self-report issues, most notably the Criminal Divisions Corporate Enforcement and Voluntary Self-Disclosure Policy (CEP). However, the EO directs AG Bondi to issue updated guidelines or policies, including those that provide incentives for voluntary self-disclosure. While companies wait for those revised guidelines, the hard-won predictability provided by the CEP and similar guidance documents and incentives programs is on hold.
Thus, companies that have discovered issues face the difficult decision of whether to self-report. It is unclear what benefits they receive if they self-report with all current guidance under review, Koukios noted.
There is also uncertainty around whether the DOJ will even have any interest in the types of issues companies have identified, Koukios said. Just a few days prior to the EO, AG Bondi issued a memorandum to DOJ attorneys titled, “Total Elimination of Cartels and Transnational Criminal Organizations [TCOs]” (Bondi Memo), which directed the FCPA Unit to prioritize cases involving cartels and TCOs and shift focus away from cases without such a connection.
Additionally, it is not clear to whom companies should self-report, Koukios observed. The Bondi Memo included an announcement of revisions to the Justice Manual that make it easier for U.S. Attorneys’ Offices to charge FCPA and FEPA violations, shifting the cases from the main purview of the FCPA Unit.
See “2024 in Review: Policy Changes Seek to Shift the Self-Reporting Calculus” (Jan. 15, 2025).
America First Leaving Honest Companies Behind
The language of the EO focuses on protecting “American companies” and “American citizens and businesses.” However, a significant portion – almost half by some counts – of corporate FCPA cases have been brought against companies headquartered outside of the U.S.
Targeting Foreign Companies
After the pause ends and new guidelines are introduced, non-U.S. companies may find themselves with increased FCPA risk.
“Given the administration’s goal of ‘America First,’ the Trump DOJ may look to focus enforcement efforts on non-U.S. companies going forward, particularly those operating in industries and regions that the administration sees as a threat to national security or to U.S. economic interests,” David Last, a partner at Cleary Gottlieb and former Chief of the DOJ FCPA Unit, told the Anti-Corruption Report.
Ved also expects that the “America First” agenda likely will result in no new FCPA investigations near term, but “any future FCPA enforcement will be directed towards non-U.S. headquartered companies.”
The “EO emphasizes the importance of preserving American competitiveness, particularly with regard to resources deemed by the administration to be of national security or economic interest,” Koukios observed. With this focus, any revised guidelines issued by AG Bondi “could authorize prosecution of non-U.S. companies for FCPA violations where U.S. national security or economic interests are implicated, while directing prosecutors not to pursue FCPA violations against U.S. companies in similar circumstances,” he suggested.
Less Threat of Litigation for U.S. Companies
The good news for U.S.-based companies is that they are less likely to be targeted for investigation and prosecution by the DOJ.
“U.S. companies will receive more favorable treatment given the expressly stated purpose of the new guidelines and policies,” predicted Jaimie Nawaday, a partner at Seward & Kissel.
While it is difficult to know how things may play out, “given the way that the EO is drafted, U.S. companies clearly may be the biggest beneficiaries of the temporary pause on FCPA enforcement and revised guidance going forward,” Last surmised.
Challenges for Honest U.S. Companies
While U.S. companies that have FCPA issues may benefit from the EO, U.S. companies that are putting in the effort to avoid bribery and corruption may find themselves worse off.
Without the FCPA as a defense, and the DOJ at their backs, U.S. companies and their employees may find themselves greater targets for bribe requests, Ved warned. They could also “become the target of international, local regulators who fear standards may be slipping at these U.S. companies operating abroad,” he said.
Most U.S. companies will not see the EO as an invitation to start paying bribes, Last suggested. “In fact, most companies recognize that the best way to ‘level the playing field’ is by having enforcement that targets competitors that are paying bribes to foreign officials in the countries in which they are operating,” he said.
SEC Enforcement?
The EO is directed solely at pausing and reevaluating DOJ enforcement of the FCPA, but makes no mention of the SEC, which has been a significant player in FCPA enforcement. When it comes to corporate settlements, the SEC’s burden of proof is lower, so there have been more SEC corporate settlements than DOJ settlements, making this an important area of risk for companies listed on U.S. exchanges (the only companies subject to SEC jurisdiction).
Interim Changes at the SEC
Like the DOJ, there have been significant changes at the SEC since inauguration day, Davis pointed out. SEC Commissioner Gary Gensler resigned and was replaced by Acting Chairman Mark Uyeda, who has already called for priority shifts.
For example, the SEC requested a delay in pending litigation over the SEC Climate Risk Disclosure Rules, whose adoption Uyeda had voted against, to “provide time for the Commission to deliberate and determine the appropriate next steps.” The SEC also rescinded Staff Legal Bulletin Number 14L, which had allowed for a greater number of shareholder proposals to be included on proxy statements. “Both of these moves signal a change in course, but whether FCPA enforcement will also shift remains an open question,” Davis observed.
More change is sure to come at the SEC when Chair nominee Paul Atkins is confirmed in his role, which is likely to occur sometime in the spring of 2025. “For now, the SEC website still lists FCPA enforcement as a high priority,” Davis noted.
Falling In Line
While it is unclear how the SEC will proceed, the experts agreed that the Commission is unlikely to completely disregard the EO and its expressed distaste for FCPA enforcement. Additionally, the “Ensuring Accountability for All Agencies” executive order issued on February 18, 2025, gives the White House more direct control of the SEC, Nawaday noted.
“The EO does not speak to SEC enforcement, but it would be surprising if the SEC does not take some step to align its enforcement policies with the President’s agenda,” Koukios said.
The expectation that the SEC will align its enforcement posture with the EO also “means that the SEC will not continue to push the bounds of the internal controls and books and records provisions as in its SolarWinds enforcement action,” Spivack predicted.
At the same time, SEC enforcement may not perfectly mirror DOJ enforcement going forward, according to some commenters. The SEC and DOJ have different missions and stakeholders, and any change in focus by the SEC must consider the impact on investors, Last said. “Part of the SEC’s enforcement efforts under the FCPA are geared towards ensuring that publicly traded companies have accurate books and records and reasonable internal controls over financial accounting.”
See our two-part series on the SolarWinds decision: “Court Narrows Case, but SEC’s Surviving Claims Alarm CISOs” (Aug. 28, 2024), and “Practical Takeaways for Cyber Communications” (Sep. 11, 2024).
FEPA
While the EO explicitly pauses FCPA enforcement, it does not mention enforcement of the Foreign Extortion Prevention Act (FEPA). Initially signed into law by President Joe Biden in December 2023, and then revised in July 2024 in the Foreign Extortion Prevention Technical Corrections Act, the law is designed to allow the DOJ to bring charges against those who accept bribes in addition to those who pay them.
“While FCPA targets those who offer bribes, FEPA complements it by addressing the ‘demand side,’ criminalizing officials who request or accept illicit payments,” Davis explained.
With the EO’s stated goal of protecting American companies, the DOJ could potentially use FEPA to prosecute foreign officials they believe are undermining U.S. national security or economic interests, Koukios said. However, those cases might be few and challenging. “Because FEPA requires a U.S. nexus, and if one assumes the EO suggests that the administration will be less likely to fault U.S. companies for foreign bribery, it might be difficult for DOJ to find jurisdiction to pursue such cases,” he added.
Additionally, prosecuting a foreign official has larger implications than prosecuting a civilian. “Indicting a foreign official is a diplomatically and geopolitically sensitive situation,” Ved observed. As a result, “there will be many discussions between international diplomats and enforcement agencies that may prompt and prefer local enforcement rather than a FEPA charge,” he predicted.
See “The New New Foreign Extortion Prevention Act” (Oct. 9, 2024).
Focus on Cartels and TCOs
The official title of the Bondi Memo may offer clues as to what FCPA and FEPA enforcement could look like going forward: a heavy focus on cartels and TCOs. But it is unclear how the Bondi Memo interacts with the EO and what targeting cartels and TCOs will mean for companies.
Interplay Between the Bondi Memo and the EO
The Bondi Memo was issued on February 5, 2025, and explicitly contemplates future FCPA enforcement, albeit focused on cartels and TCOs. But then on February 10, 2025, the EO was issued, fully suspending all FCPA enforcement without acknowledging the Bondi Memo at all or discussing cases involving human trafficking, guns or drugs.
There is a way that the two documents could be read in harmony with each other, but it is not an easy melody. “One could see an argument that such cases fall within the general ‘national security’ concerns discussed in the EO,” Koukios suggested. “It could be that the Bondi Memo is superseded by the EO, or it could mean that the Bondi Memo will inform the new guidelines that emerge at the end of the pause,” he said.
Historically Insignificant Part of FCPA Enforcement
Even before the EO was issued, the Bondi Memo was puzzling because FCPA cases rarely involve cartels and TCOs. It has happened – for instance, in the case of the protection payments Ericsson made to ISIS to obtain access to terrorist-controlled transportation routes and cities – but not commonly.
“Organized crime, by definition, can infiltrate any industry or business enterprise and has historically subverted everything from small family businesses to fish markets to regional construction and carting industries to financial brokers to banking,” Bowen observed. But the FCPA is not necessarily the best tool to address those crimes. “Although cartels and TCOs undoubtedly benefit from corrupt governments, few, if any, FCPA enforcement actions have directly involved cartels or TCOs,” Koukios said.
The dearth of cases involving cartels and TCOs may be because the business nexus required under the FCPA is difficult to allege in cases involving such clear crimes. “Narcotics trafficking is arguably a business that falls within the FCPA’s business nexus requirement, but there has historically been no benefit to DOJ testing this theory,” Koukios said.
And there are tools that are much better suited to prosecuting cartel and TCO cases. “The existing menu of statutes that target cartel/TCO-related criminal conduct, including laws addressing guns, drugs, and human trafficking, are much easier to prove and generally carry much more substantial penalties,” Koukios noted. “To use the language of the EO, adding FCPA charges in such cases does not seem to be an ‘efficient use of Federal law enforcement resources.’ It will simply bog down otherwise straightforward cases.”
Even if cartels and TCOs have not been a primary focus in the past, directing enforcement resources toward them is consistent with this administration’s broader approach to immigration and national security, Davis noted, pointing to another executive order designating certain cartels and TCOs as foreign terrorist groups.
Shifting Risk
Taken together, the America First agenda, the omission of the FEPA from the EO, and the focus on cartels and TCOs starts to sketch in what U.S. enforcement might look like under the Trump administration and how it shifts the risk calculus for companies.
“DOJ’s enforcement of the FEPA (as well as the FCPA) may target foreign officials and other individuals who are permissive of the exact type of cartels and criminal organizations that the Trump administration is looking to fight – specifically, corrupt officials who enable cartels and organized crime, allowing them to thrive and threaten national security,” Last proposed.
Regions where cartels and TCOs operate may become riskier in terms of U.S. enforcement. So far, the administration has indicated that Latin America will be the region with the greatest focus. “DOJ may focus on non-U.S. companies and financial institutions, particularly those operating in Latin America given the administration’s focus on immigration and secure borders,” suggested Lisa Vicens, a partner at Cleary Gottlieb. This region has seen its fair share of FCPA enforcement actions, she noted, largely due to its proximity to the U.S., frequent travel of individuals from there to the U.S., and the use of the U.S. financial system and its banks. But interest in the region for bribery and corruption cases may be about to intensify.
Other high-conflict regions may also become increasingly risky places to do business, Koukios said. “The companies that would likely be most impacted are those that operate in conflict-affected regions, where refraining from engaging in business with organizations that could be classified as cartels or TCOs is more challenging,” he added.
According to Stephanie Yonekura, a partner at Hogan Lovells, the DOJ may look at industries that have been infiltrated by TCOs and cartels in high-conflict regions. “That likely means agriculture, extractive, infrastructure, energy, logistics, and other industries where cartels have either entered or required protection payments from legitimate companies,” she said.
See “How the DOJ Keeps Stretching Its Extraterritorial Reach” (Jul. 31, 2024).